Adolpho Lutz - Febre amarela, malária e protozoologia - v.2, Livro 1 by Jaime L. Benchimol & Magali Romero Sá (Orgs.)

Adolpho Lutz - Febre amarela, malária e protozoologia - v.2, Livro 1 by Jaime L. Benchimol & Magali Romero Sá (Orgs.)

Author:Jaime L. Benchimol & Magali Romero Sá (Orgs.) [Benchimol, Jaime L. & Sá, Magali Romero]
Language: por
Format: epub
Tags: 1. Pessoas Famosas. 2. Adolpho Lutz 3. Saúde Pública – história. 4. Laboratórios de saúde pública - história.
ISBN: 9788575414071
Publisher: Editora FIOCRUZ
Published: 2005-11-15T02:00:00+00:00


Controversies on the Havana theory found a concentrated forum at the 5th Brazilian Congress on Medicine and Surgery, which took place in Rio de Janeiro from 16 June to 2 July 1903, right when Oswaldo Cruz was silencing facts on the deaths resulting from the French mission's experiments. Partisans of Finlay's theory did as much as they could to make the Congress into a tribunal that would sanction it.

The reality was, however, that no one took the stand to claim that the mosquito did not transmit yellow fever. Adversaries defined themselves as “not convinced” or as “non-exclusivists.” They were intransigent in the defense of disinfection and ground sanitation, which the exclusivists wanted to abolish. Prominent in the first group, besides Ivo Bandi, were Jorge Pinto, head of the Sanitation Service for the State of Rio de Janeiro, and Pacífico Pereira, a leading figure in Bahia's Tropicalist School, who was absent but whose paper was read during the Meeting.150 The most noteworthy “orthodox exclusivists,” or unitaristas (defenders of one sole explanation), were Felicio dos Santos, an “experienced old” general practitioner from Bahia who owned the Casa de Saúde São Sebastião hospital in Rio de Janeiro, and Drs. Plácido Barbosa and Carneiro de Mendonça, from Rio de Janeiros Public Health.

Doctors from São Paulo had decisive participations. Carlos Meyer and Arthur Palmeira Ripper read reports on the experiments conducted at that state's Isolation Hospital, along with a communication from director of the state's Sanitation Service; its conclusions guided the final vote on deliberations.151 At the closing session, it was decided to schedule the 6th meeting in São Paulo, chaired by Emílio Ribas. A delegation from the 5th congress accompanied the São Paulo contingent to the train station, where they were acclaimed during their departure.

The result of these negotiations of a political nature concerning an issue of a scientific nature – the truth or error of the transmission and prevention of yellow fever – turned Oswaldo Cruz's strategy into the officially sanctioned guidelines of the medical corporation. It is clear, however, that the verdict fell short of what the commanders of the anti-Culex campaign had hoped for, and the campaign had to be negotiated in many other forums, inside and outside the nation: before the Congress, the press, professional associations, international scientific institutions, various (and clashing) levels and bodies within the government administration, and the very people of the city who were targeted with successive pieces of “advice” drawn up with the intent of disseminating the new beliefs and producing a new conventional wisdom regarding the capital issues of public and individual health. The Congress of Medicine and Surgery was therefore only a cogwheel in the political machinery underlying the campaign against yellow fever, which was already in the streets. Measures derived from the Havana theory were put into practice at the same time as negotiations were going on over legal instruments, institutional arrangements, funding, consents, and symbolic endorsements. These negotiations took up the entire year of 1903 and part of 1904 and were



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